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Bias at the group level. The simplest
method of establishing an optimistic bias (see
Appendix) is to ask a sample of individuals to estimate
their risk relative to that of other members of the sample
(or the population from which that sample is taken). This
is called the "direct" method of elicitation. For example,
a respondent might be asked to "compare your risk with that
of the average person of your age and sex" on a scale that
ranges from "below average" to "above average" with "average"
as the midpoint. Investigators have generally used odd-numbered
scales (e.g., 5-pt. or 7-pt. scales) to ensure that "average"
is in the middle of the scale. If the mean response is higher
or lower than this midpoint, one has demonstrated an optimistic
bias (assuming that the sample is fully representative of
the reference group, and that actual risk is not highly skewed).
One might also ask respondents to compare others' risk to
their own risk, which turns out to elicit less bias (Otten
& van der Pligt, 1996
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Otten, W., & van der Pligt, J. (1996). Context effects in
the measurement of comparative optimism in probability judgments.
Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology, 15, 80-101.
).
Another approach is to ask participants to make two judgments
- an estimate of their own risk (on a likelihood scale, for
example), and an estimate of the risk of the average peer
(see Appendix). These ratings can then
be subtracted, and if the mean difference is not zero, a bias
can be said to exist. This is called the "indirect" method
of measuring optimistic bias. The attractiveness of such an
approach is that it is possible to assess whether a given
moderator influences estimates of personal risk or the comparative
target's risk. In a review of studies using the indirect method,
Helweg-Larsen
& Shepperd (2001)
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Helweg-Larsen, M., & Shepperd, J. A. (2001). Do moderators
of the optimistic bias affect personal or target risk estimates?
A review of the literature. Personality and Social Psychology
Review, 51, 74-95. showed that negative affect
influences personal risk estimates whereas positive affect
influences target risk estimates, a finding that would have
been obscured had comparative risk not been assessed with
separate items. Finally, separate samples can be asked to
make the two judgments; for example, Weinstein,
Marcus, & Moser (2005)
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Weinstein, N. D., Marcus, S., & Moser, R. P. (2005). Smokers'
unrealistic optimism about their risk. Unpublished manuscript.
asked separate groups of smokers to estimate
their own or other smokers' risks of experiencing tobacco-related
illnesses, and again observed an optimistic bias when assessing
the difference in estimates between the two groups. Interestingly,
some studies show that the magnitude of bias is greater when
using the direct method (e.g., Goszsczyska
& Roskan, 1989
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Goszczyska, M., & Roskan, A. (1989). Self-evaluation of drivers'
skill: A cross-cultural comparison. Accident Analysis
and Prevention, 21, 217-224. ) yet others show
the opposite pattern (e.g., Sutton,
2002
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Sutton, S. (2002). Influencing optimism in smokers by giving
information about the average smoker. Risk, Decision,
and Policy, 7, 165-174. ).
Bias at the individual level. Although
the above methods are effective when evaluating optimistic
bias at the level of the group, they cannot be used to determine
which members of a group are biased. A woman who
believes her risk of breast cancer is below average, for example,
may be quite accurate if she has no risk factors for breast
cancer. In fact, this woman may be unrealistically pessimistic
if her comparative risk is even more below average than she
thinks it is. It is important to be able to identify which
members of a sample are biased, however, in order to determine
whether biases are correlated with other individual-level
variables such as personality and behavior (see
Appendix). Many studies attempting to link optimistic
biases and related "positive illusions" with other variables
such as health behavior simply define bias as a tendency to
make self-serving judgments, without taking the important
step of assessing the accuracy of these judgments. Consequently,
although we know that optimistic beliefs are related to precautionary
behaviors and ultimately to a more adaptive psychophysiological
profile (e.g., Taylor,
Lerner, Sherman, Sage, & McDowell, 2003
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Taylor, S. E., Lerner, J. S., Sherman, D. K., Sage, R. M.,
& McDowell, N. K. (2003). Are self-enhancing cognitions associated
with healthy or unhealthy biological profiles? Journal
of Personality and Social Psychology, 85, 605-615. ),
we do not have sufficient data to determine whether such beliefs
are adaptive when they are illusory.
A small number of studies have attempted to use objective
criteria to assess individual bias. Several of these
studies use experimenter-initiated models to determine which
members of the sample are at higher risk (e.g., Gerrard
& Luus, 1995
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Gerrard, M., & Luus, C. A. E. (1995). Judgments of vulnerability
to pregnancy: The role of risk factors and individual differences.
Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 21, 160-171.
; Wiebe
& Black, 1997
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Wiebe, D. J., & Black, D. (1997). Illusional beliefs in the
context of risky sexual behaviors. Journal of Applied
Social Psychology, 27, 1727-1749. ). Others use
"risk engines" to compute a person's risk based on epidemiological
models (which are built from large epidemiological data sets
such as the Framingham study) and then determine how participants'
estimates compare with values computed by these risk engines
(e.g., Kreuter
& Strecher, 1995
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Kreuter, M. W., & Strecher, V. J. (1995). Changing inaccurate
perceptions of health risk: Results from a randomized trial.
Health Psychology, 14, 56-63. ; Radcliffe
& Klein, 2002
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Radcliffe, N. M., & Klein, W. M. P. (2002). Dispositional,
unrealistic, and comparative optimism: Differential relations
with knowledge and processing of risk information and beliefs
about personal risk. Personality and Social Psychology
Bulletin, 28, 836-846. ). Very few studies measure
actual outcomes to determine accuracy, and such studies are
needed. In one example, college students estimated their comparative
risk of having unplanned sexual intercourse in the next year,
and reported six months later whether such an event had occurred
(Klein,
Geaghan, & MacDonald, 2005
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Klein, W. M. P., Geaghan, T. R., & MacDonald, T. K. (2005).
Unplanned sexual activity as a consequence of alcohol
use: A prospective study of risk perceptions and alcohol use
among college freshmen. Unpublished manuscript. ).
Absolute vs. comparative optimistic bias.
There is no reason, of course, to limit optimistic biases
to comparative beliefs. The use of a comparative measure was
initially based on the ease of demonstrating optimistic bias
at the group level (Weinstein,
1980
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Weinstein, N. D. (1980). Unrealistic optimism about future
life events. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,
39, 806-820. ). However, if a man predicts that
he will not get prostate cancer and then he does, he would
clearly be optimistically biased. Similarly, most HIV-seropositive
individuals who do not believe they will succumb to AIDS are
optimistically biased (Taylor,
Kemeny, Aspinwall, Schneider, Rodriguez, & Herbert, 1992
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Taylor, S. E., Kemeny, M. E., Aspinwall, L. G., Schneider,
S. G., Rodriguez, R., & Herbert, M. (1992). Optimism, coping,
psychological distress, and high-risk sexual behavior among
men at risk for acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS).
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 63,
460-473. ). Whether an investigator measures optimistic
bias based on comparative or absolute measures
should depend on the hypothesis being tested. For example,
given findings that comparative risk perceptions are more
predictive than absolute risk perceptions of colorectal cancer
screening (Blalock,
DeVellis, Sandler, & Afifi, 1990
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Blalock, S. J., DeVellis, B. M., Afifi, R. A. & Sandler, R.
S. (1990). Risk perceptions and participation in colorectal
cancer screening. Health Psychology, 9, 792-806.
), research on screening behaviors may benefit from
the use of comparative measures. Absolute and comparative
risk perceptions are not redundant; each explains independent
variance in worry, behavior, and other related constructs
(Lipkus
et al., 2000
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Lipkus, I. M., Kuchibhatla, M., McBride, C. M., Bosworth,
H. B., Pollak, K. I., Siegler, I. C., and Rimer, B. K. (2000).
Relationships among breast cancer perceived absolute risk,
comparative risk, and worries. Cancer Epidemiology, Biomarkers
and Prevention, 9, 973-975. ).
Cross-sectional and prospective designs.
An important methodological issue one faces when attempting
to link optimistic biases with other constructs such as risk-reducing
behavior is the type of design in which these constructs are
measured. Assessing any type of risk perception and behavior
in a cross-sectional design makes it difficult to determine
whether bias influences behavior, behavior influences bias
(or both), or whether a third variable (such as education
or negative affectivity) influences both (Gerrard
et al., 1996
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Gerrard, M., Gibbons, F. X., Benthin, A. C., & Hessling, R.
M. (1996). A longitudinal study of the reciprocal nature of
risk behaviors and cognitions in adolescents: What you do
shapes what you think, and vice versa. Health Psychology,
15, 344-354. ; Weinstein,
Rothman, & Nicolich, 1998
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Weinstein, N. D., Rothman, A. J., & Nicolich, M. (1998). Use
of correlational data to examine the effects of risk perception
on precautionary behaviors. Psychology and Health, 13,
479-501. ). The same problem applies when attempting
to link biased risk perceptions with other constructs. Although
there is now a growing literature using prospective designs
to assess the link between risk perceptions and behavior,
very few of these studies evaluate the accuracy of these risk
perceptions.
Reliability. Given the difficulty
of measuring optimistic biases at the level of the individual,
there are few if any studies that determine the test-retest
reliability of optimistically biased judgments. Moreover,
because bias is usually established for single events, no
data are available to determine whether bias is consistent
across multiple events, so there are no published scales that
measure a general form of the optimistic bias. Although some
studies have collapsed comparative ratings across multiple
events based on high reliability coefficients and identified
the collapsed index as a generalized measure of optimistic
bias (e.g., Davidson
& Prkachin, 1997
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Davidson, K. & Prkachin, K. (1997). Optimism and unrealistic
optimism have an interacting impact on health-promoting behavior
and knowledge changes. Personality and Social Psychology
Bulletin, 23, 617-625. ; Taylor
et al., 2003
xClose
Taylor, S. E., Lerner, J. S., Sherman, D. K., Sage, R. M.,
& McDowell, N. K. (2003). Are self-enhancing cognitions associated
with healthy or unhealthy biological profiles? Journal
of Personality and Social Psychology, 85, 605-615. ),
these measures are better characterized as generalized risk
beliefs rather than biased risk beliefs per se. However,
it is worth noting that comparative risk judgments have been
shown to be reliable over time (Shepperd,
Helweg-Larsen, & Ortega, 2003
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Shepperd, J. A., Helweg-Larsen, M, & Ortega, L. (2003). Are
comparative risk judgments consistent across time and events?
Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 29, 1169-1180.
), suggesting that biases in these judgment may also
be reliable.
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